On 5 January, the official representative of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, A. V. Yakovenko, announced that Moscow considered the actions of the Estonian side “as a symbol of Tallinn’s unwillingness” to meet in full its responsibilities. This refers to the agreement of 26 July 1994 concerning social guarantees for veterans of Russian armed forces living on the territory of Estonia. Yakovenko added that it puts the “reliability” of the Estonian partners “in doubt”, and this would be “taken into account” by Moscow when negotiating and signing accords with Estonia in other areas.

The underlying reasons for Moscow’s approach are evident. The rights of Russian veterans living in Estonia concern the Kremlin only in as much as they can serve as a conductor for Russian interests in Estonia itself. The much more substantial infringements of human rights in such countries as China, North Korea or Cuba do not prevent Moscow from having close and even friendly relations with the governments of these countries, with tyrants and dictators. So, the question is not of protecting human rights as such, but of the nationality of the group in Estonia.

While caring for the rights of retired Russian ex-army members living in Estonia, Moscow completely ignores the roots of the problem. The start of this dates back to the summer of 1940, when as a result of the agreements between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union, and the subsequent Soviet aggression in the Baltic, Estonia, along with Latvia and Lithuania, were incorporated into the USSR. The aggressors, those who in practice did the annexing and made up the occupational regime, were Soviet army members – now the very Russian army veterans living in Estonia!

Precisely these people are now being discussed by “their” Estonian parliament and government. This is possibly insulting for today’s imperialistic, chauvinistic Russian government, but nonetheless one should name things by their proper names. The conquest of a foreign country should be named occupation, and not “Brotherly Internationalist Help”, as it was under the USSR: for example in Czechoslovakia and Afghanistan. In Tallinn all this is understood, but not in Moscow. Putin is torn between present and past – much to the satisfaction of the “Siloviki”, and to the misfortune of those countries surrounding Russia. Therefore today’s Russian semi-official organs, along with a large part of our people possessed by megalomania, do not repent Soviet crimes against neighbouring states, nor regret the spilling of others’ blood; and are ready to sink their teeth into the remains of their former imperial territories.


To our poor people, relieved of their freedom and respect, it must seem that the country’s greatness lies in the extent of its borders and the level of the country’s influence on its neighbours. In this atmosphere, the Kremlin gains support, exciting the unhealthy national vanity of the Russian citizen, and uses any event in order to present itself as the protector of some mythical Russian interests beyond its borders.

The Estonian government’s position on the pensioned-off Soviet soldiers still seems to be rather tolerant. They are not being deported from the country, nor indeed are NKVD executioners judging over them. So far, a total of one court case has taken place in Estonia, which did not end with prison for the accused.

The Estonian embassy in Russia, commenting to PRIMA on the problem with the Russian veterans, explained that it concerns 7,000 former Soviet army members left on Estonian territory after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the departure of the Soviet Army. The absence of permanent residency status does not deny these people any social guarantees or citizens’ rights with the one exception of their not being able to vote or be elected to parliament.

It is possible to imagine what fate would await these former occupiers, were Estonia not a democratic European country.