First, it is time for the President to retire, and we need to prepare an adequate legal basis for his quick and painless exit. Second, this draft law is an empty vessel, with partisan aims. But even if this is the case, it appears more worthy than, say, the paranoid draft law on the fight against homosexuality presented by one group of irresponsible deputies.

Bearing in mind well-known facts such as, for example, the co-leadership of “Liberal Russia” by Sergei Iushenkov and Boris Berezovskii, the most likely version is still the first. Yes, Iushenkov says that there is now political stability in the country, as there was not in the Yeltsin era, and that it why it is the right time to pass such a law. Yes, to all appearances, the draft law is designed to bring further stabilty to our serene political life. And it would be even better under a different president .

We would argue that this is why the draft law has been written deliberately under Putin. It foresees three eventualities for bringing his term of office to an end: voluntary resignation, resignation on the grounds of health, and finally, removal from power. The first one is easily understood. The president takes the painful decision, and signs a letter of resignation which is sent to the Council of the Federation, the State Duma, the Government of the Russian Federation, the Constitutional Court and the TsIK. Putin vanishes from politics, and when we hear about him, it is only as the young, talented judo player or skiier. Pure fantasy.

The second eventuality is doubtful. “The persistent inability of the president to carry out his duties on grounds of health”. What possible defects could prevent a man with such a constitution, hardened by KGB service, from fulfilling his presidential calling? Such ailments are unknown to medicine. What is more, for that version of events to unfold, the diagnosis would have to be confirmed by a panel of nine doctors, specially convened for that purpose. And the Supreme and Constitutional Courts, and the Council of the Federation would also have to agree. So really, Putin is doomed to be healthy.

So, how about the third option: removal from power. A third of the deputies of the State Duma may initiate this procedure. Then parliament would set up a special commission to “examine the evidence that the President of Russia had carried out high treason, or another such serious crime, and conclude either to bring a case against him, or decline the iniative of the group of deputies”. The decision on bringing a case would be taken by two thirds of the total number of deputies and would be presented to the Supreme and Constitutional Courts. If their conclusion was favourable, the matter would go to the Council of the Federation. And there a two-thirds vote would decide, whether to sack the president or not.

It is hard to imagine that the case would reach the highest court in the land without being stopped, and would there be ratified. However, there is one possibility for this to happen. In the draft law, Iushenkov presents a list of seven people, who can relieve the president of his responsibilities. In the Constitution there is only the head of government, but the draft law includes six other people, among them representatives of the Council of the Federation, the State Duma, and the Supreme and Constitutional Courts. If this law were adopted, each of these could potentially take on the role of President. Thus, the successful removal of the president from his duties, would be a matter for the personal ambitions of all of these representatives and of their loyalty to the president. It is something to think about. True, it is not at all certain that even one of then would be objectively better than the current president, but that is another matter.

What then could the president be accused of? Today it could be the terror in Chechnya and the bomb blasts in residential blocks in Moscow and Volgodonsk. But for such charges to be made, there would have to be proof of the president’s personal participation in crimes, and finding that evidence is extremely taxing, at least for the forces of “Liberal Russia” and the social commision it created. Here it would be highly appropriate to involve the International Criminal Court, whose status has not yet been ratified by Russia.

One way or another the hook cast today by Iushenov in the State Duma demonstrates at least the probability that Putin will be removed from the presidency. But, unfortunately, there is little hope that the draft law will pass through the Duma and become law.